Sometimes it succeeds surreptitiously by rushing them through. As "there is no order of the day circulated beforehand， and， in any event， none which anybody is obliged to adhere to，"[39] the Assembly is captured by surprise. "The first knave amongst the 'Left，' (which expression， says Hua， I do not strike out， because there were many among those gentlemen)， brought up a ready-made resolution， prepared the evening before by a clique. We were not prepared for it and demanded that it should be referred to a committee. Instead of doing this， however， the resolution was declared urgent， and， whether we would or not， discussion had to take place forthwith."[40] -- "There were other tactics equally perfidious， which Thuriot， especially， made use of. This great rascal got up and proposed， not the draft of a law， but what he called a principle； for instance， a decree should be passed confiscating the property of the émigrés， . . or that unsworn priests should be subject to special surveillance.[41] . . . In reply， he was told that his principle was the core of a law， the very law itself； so let it be debated by referring it to a committee to make a report on it. -- Not at all -- the matter is urgent； a committee might fix the articles as it pleases； they are worthless if the principle is not common sense." Through this expeditious method discussion is stifled. The Jacobins purposely prevent the Assembly from giving the matter any consideration. They count on its bewilderment. In the name of reason， they discard reason as far as they can， and hasten a vote because their decrees do not stand up to analysis. -- At other times， and especially on grand occasions， they compel a vote. In general， votes are given by the members either sitting down or standing up， and， for the four hundred deputies of the "Center，" subject to the scolding of the exasperated galleries， it is a tolerably hard trial. "Part of them do not arise， or they rise with the 'Left'."[42] If the "Right" happens to have a majority， "this is contested in bad faith and a call of the house is demanded." Now， "the calls of the house， through an intolerable abuse， are always published； the Jacobins declaring that it is well for the people to know their friends from their enemies." The meaning of this is that this list of the opposition will soon serve as a list of the outlaws， on which the timid are not disposed to inscribe themselves. The result is an immediate defection in the heavy battalions of the "Centre"；"this is a positive fact，" says Hua， "of which we were all witnesses；we always lost a hundred votes on the call of the house." -- Towards the end they give up， and protest no more， except by staying away： on the 14th of June， when the abolishment of the whole system of feudal credit was being dealt with， only the extreme left was attending； the rest of the "Assembly hall was nearly empty"； out of 497 deputies in attendance， 200 had left the session.[43] Encouraged for a moment by the appearance of some possible protection， they twice exonerate General Lafayette， behind whom they see an army，[44] and brave the despots of the Assembly， the clubs， and the streets. But， for lack of a military chief and base， the visible majority is twice obliged to yield， to keep silent， and fly or retreat under the dictatorship of the victorious faction， which has strained and forced the legislative machine until it has become disjointed and broken down.[45]
NOTES：
[1]"Correspondence (manuscript) of Baron de Sta？l，" with his Court in Sweden. Oct. 6， 1791.
[2] "Souvenirs"， by PASQUIER (Etienne-Dennis， duc)， chancelier de France. in VI volumes， Librarie Plon， Paris 1893. - Dumouriez， "Mémoires，" III. ch. V： "The Jacobin party， having branches all over the country， used its provincial clubs to control the elections. Every crackbrain， every seditious scribbler， all the agitators were elected . . . very few enlightened or prudent men， and still fewer of the nobles， were chosen."-- Moniteur， XII. 199 (meeting of April 23， 1792). Speech M. Lecointe-Puyravaux. "We need not dissimulate； indeed， we are proud to say， that this legislature is composed of persons who are not rich."[3] Mathieu Dumas， "Mémoires，" I. 521. "The excitement in the electoral assemblages was very great； the aristocrats and large land-owners abstained from coming there." -- Correspondance de Mirabeau et du Comte de la Mark， III. 246， Oct.10， 1791. "Nineteen twentieths of this legislature have no other transportation (turn-out) than galoshes and umbrellas. It has been estimated， that all these deputies put together do not possess 300，000 livres solid income. The majority of the members of this Assembly have received no education whatever."[4] They rank as Maréchaux de camp， a grade corresponding to that of brigadier-general. They are Dupuy-Montbrun (deceased in March， 1792)， Descrots-d'Estrée， a weak and worn old man whom his children forced into the Legislative Assembly， and， lastly， Mathieu Dumas， a conservative， and the only prominent one.